AIF MEDIA: Yoruba

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ABOUT THE NAME ‘YORUBA’

By Professor Stephen Akintoye

Emeritus Professor of history at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife.

A curious debate is going on about the group name of the Yoruba nation, the name ‘Yoruba’. All sorts of strange and fanciful things are being said about this name. Also, many people are calling on me to intervene in the debate. I therefore hereby intervene. But I cannot participate in the more flippant levels of debate over this or any matter; I can only make known the results of my serious research. I might add that what I reveal here is a small peep into a very important body of research on the Yoruba nation, a body of research that will, hopefully, soon appear as a book on the profile of the Yoruba nation.

In modern times, the Yorùbá people in Nigeria have exhibited a remarkable degree and quality of unity as a people. Such strong unity is engendered primarily by their common love of, and pride in, their culture, their strong emphasis on development and modernization, and in their civilizational achievements in history and in modern times. It is also reinforced by their common identity with such ideals as love of freedom, respect for the individual, accountability of leadership and governance, the servanthood of rulers, religious tolerance and accommodation, hospitality towards all other peoples, tenacity in fighting for ideals, and a unique fixation, as a people, on progress in all facets of modern development and transformation.

However, the question is sometimes raised in modern times whether the Yorùbá did have a common national name for themselves in their early history – before modern times (specifically before the mid-19th century). The question how long in the past a people have had a common group name is, of itself, not a major or important question. Worldwide, many a nation in its early history had no common group name, though its members roughly recognized themselves as belonging to the group and as different from others beyond the group. However, in the context of the kinds of inter-ethnic relationships that are characteristic of Nigeria’s political and intellectual life, the question about lack of an early group name is repeatedly raised about the Yorùbá. The intention of such questions, often, is to cast some aspersion on Yorùbá claims and demonstrations of unity as a nation in Nigeria today. For instance, Idris S. Jimada, a Nupe author, in his book The Nupe and the Origins and Evolution of the Yorùbá, c.1275-1897, attaches interesting importance to the point. He wrote, “The name ‘Yorùbá’ was not an identity, for those who came later to be called Yorùbá, since the time of creation, or anytime before the mid-nineteenth century, as is so often misconceived nowadays”. Even though this point bears no real significance, I think the Yoruba people need to be given information that will mold their answers and attitudes to things like this.

It is known that from the middle of the 19th century, the rising literate class of the people now known as the Yorùbá began to popularize the name Yorùbá for their nation. But before then, did their nation have a common group name?

In the literature of the Atlantic trade (16th to early 19th century), we see some inclusive names for those members of this nationality that were involved in the trade, but “Yorùbá” was not one of such names. In some parts of the New World, some of them were identified with subgroup names such as Eo (Ọ̀yo) ̣́ or Euba (Ẹ̀gbá), etc. Others were identified in other places with group names coined from their cultural peculiarities – names such as Aku (coined from the phrase Ẹ kú which occurs in most Yorùbá greetings), or Lucumi (apparently from the affectionate Yorùbá phrase Olùkù mi, my dear friend). Still another identifying group name in some parts of the New World was Nago (probably derived initially from the name of the far western Yorùbá subgroup, Ànàgó, from among whom some of the earliest Yorùbá entrants into the Atlantic slave trade probably originated).

Yet, we also find that the name Yorùbá existed all that time. In the present state of our knowledge, the basic outline of what we know about the name Yorùbá would be as follows: First, there is some evidence strongly indicating that the name Yorùbá was in use in parts of the West African interior in reference to a people before the 16th century. That is, though the name did not occur in the records of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in the New World or in Europe or on the West African coast, it did exist in the West African interior – in the Upper Niger territories in the Western Sudan where the Yorùbá had been going in large numbers since about the 5th century AD as long-distance traders. A written use of the name in reference to the group appears in a book published in Timbuktu in the Songhai Empire in 1615, written by an indigenous Songhai Arabic scholar, Ahmed Baba – author of many books, probably the most prolific Black West African scholar before the 19th century. The name Yorùbá was very probably in use there for the group before Ahmed Baba’s time.

Secondly, it is known that, during the era of the greatness of the Ọ̀yọ́ Empire (from the 17th to the early 19th century), the name Yorùbá was used by many peoples in West Africa, as well as by some sections of the group themselves, as a sort of second subgroup name for their Ọ̀yọ́ subgroup. Thirdly, there is good evidence that the name became common in the Western Sudan in general as the name, definitely, for the people who now bear it, the large Yorùbá nation inhabiting the country south of the Middle Niger. The information for this is from the travel journal of the English explorer Hugh Clapperton, the first European to visit the interior of Yorùbáland. In 1825-6, Clapperton’s team traversed Yorùbáland from Badagry on the coast, through Ẹ̀gbádò and Ọ̀yọ́ towns, and reached Ọ̀yọ́-Ilé. They then crossed the River Niger and reached Sokoto. In their general travel through these interior countries, they first came in contact with the name Yorùbá. In Sokoto, Sultan Bello of Sokoto talked with Clapperton’s team at length about the people whom he, Sultan Bello, called the Yorùbá, the people south of the Middle Niger who were regularly coming to do a lot of trade in Hausaland.

Following the Clapperton exploration, the name Yorùbá became gradually widely known among European traders and missionaries on the West African coast as the common name for the people who had been known in the Atlantic world by various other names for about three centuries. The name then spread in the hands of the Christian missionaries working on the coast and other parts of West Africa. Then it was received and spread by the freed slaves returning home from the New World and Sierra Leone, and thereafter by the generality of the growing class of literate Yorùbá – and then by all of the Yoruba people.

Thus, we do have hundreds of years of history of the existence of the name Yorùbá in the history of the Yorùbá nation. Still, it is important to ask the question whether there is any indigenous Yorùbá tradition concerning the name Yorùbá in the group’s early history before the 19th century.

Some indigenous traditions answer that question in the affirmative. While doing research in Yorùbá history in the 1960s, I interviewed the then Ṣaṣẹrẹ of Ọ̀wọ̀, Chief Adétulà, who was widely revered at the time as one of the oldest living literate Yorùbá. In fact, I was told about him at the Western Regional Ministry of Information in Ìbàdàn, and I went to interview him at his home in Ọ̀wọ̀ a number of times in 1963-4. During one of those interviews, Chief Adétulà stated that Yorùbá was the original common name for all Yorùbá people. He added that he had never inquired into the meaning of the name, but that all the traditions known to him on the subject affirmed that Yorùbá was the common group name of the Yorùbá nation in the early eras of Yorùbá history, when the Yorùbá kingdoms were young and few and some more were still being founded – in times when Ife had been “all things to all of us”, before Ọ̀yọ́ and Benin became notable kingdoms in the land, and before any white traders came to the Yorùbá and Benin coasts at all. (The first European explorers and traders came to the coast of Benin and Yorùbá around 1470).4

In 1963 also, in the course of an interview of a group of Ìkìrun chiefs and elders in Ìkìrun (mostly about Ìkìrun’s role in the 19th century Yorùbá wars), I learnt about an old local ruler, Ọba Adékaǹṣọ́lá, the Ọlọ́baagun of Ọbaagun, near Ìkìrun. Ọba Adékànṣólá was locally reputed to be much informed about Yorùbá history and traditions. Next morning, I went to interview the Ọlọbaagun. He was a man of advanced age, mentally alert, well-travelled, and remarkably knowledgeable about Yorùbáland and Yorùbá traditions.

In the course of a long and richly informative interview, we came to the issue of the name Yorùbá. The Ọlọ́baagun stated that this name was the common name for the entire Yorùbá people from ancient times. He added that according to traditions that were still alive in some parts and among some traditional elite elements in Yorùbáland, the name was first applied to the early Yorùbá traders who used to go and trade in the countries of the Upper Niger (roughly modern Mali). Most of those early traders were from the early group of settlements in the Ife area – before all the settlements in that area merged together to form the town of Ile-Ife and the kingdom of Ife. The name, he said, became, in the marketplaces of the Upper Niger, the name for all traders who spoke various dialects of what we now call the Yorùbá language and who came from the same distant forest homeland in the southeast of the Upper Niger. Over time, the name came home with the traders. He added that by the time, later, when Arab traders began to come south across the Middle Niger to trade directly with Yorùbá people in the ancient settlements of the Ifẹ̀ area, Yorùbá people in general were already loosely known as Yorùbá or Yariba – and that that is why Yorùbá people call the Arabs Lárúbáwá.

Asked to explain the point about Lárúbáwá, he answered, “We were known as Yorùbá, but when the Arab traders came, they called us Yárúbáwá which means ‘Yorùbá people’ in their language. In our marketplaces, our people turned that around and called them Alárúbáwá or Lárúbáwá. – meaning ‘the ones who say Yárúbáwá’, or ‘the ones who call us Yárúbáwá’. We still call the Arabs Lárúbáwá today, and I have been told that we are the only people in the world who call them so”.

To elucidate the Ọlọ́baagun’s statements, the following is a basic outline of what we know about the history of the Trans-Saharan Trade as it related to what is now Yorùbáland. The trade was started, probably before the 4th century AD, by the Berbers of Northwest Africa, who traveled south across the Sahara Desert to trade with the Black African peoples of the territories of the Upper Niger, in the area that is now the Republic of Mali. There, a trading town called Gao early arose, followed later by others like Djene and Timbuktu. Some Yorùbá traders (mostly from the early Ifẹ̀ settlements) early found their way to Gao to trade, probably from as early as the 5th century. From the 7th century, following the rise of Islam in Arabia, Arabs came in large numbers to settle in Northwest Africa (the country of the Berbers), and many Arabs joined the Berbers in the trans-Saharan trade. Their entry expanded the trade greatly. More routes developed across the desert, and some of these crossed the Middle Niger directly into Yorùbáland, especially to the Ifẹ̀ area whose many settlements were by then already widely famous as a centre of trade and culture. The tradition about Arab traders in Yorùbáland as related by the Ọlọ́baagun refers to this era of the coming of the Arab traders into Yorùbáland, in about the 8th century – before the founding of the city of Ilé-Ifẹ̀ or any other Yorùbá city or kingdom.

Further asked whether he knew the meaning of the name Yorùbá, the Ọlọ́baagun answered that he did not know. But he added that he was sure that it was some people in the marketplaces of the Upper Niger countries (probably the Berbers, or any of the indigenous Black peoples, or even the Arabs) that first called his people this name, and that it was certainly a word from a foreign language. Later that morning, the Ọlọbaagun added, “To the traders in the Upper Niger market towns like Gao, we were a people from a very distant forest country of the deep south. It is not improbable that, in the language of one of the peoples who met us in the marketplaces of the Upper Niger, the name Yorùbá meant ‘people from, or of, the distant southern forests’”.

In 2011, I interviewed a Yorùbá scholar of Islamic Studies, Alhaji Abdul-Fattah Délé Jámíù, on this question. Alhaji Jámíù had lived and studied in Saudi Arabia for years, and in 2011, he lived in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, where he was Chief Imam of a large mosque. He answered that as far as he knew, the Yorùbá people are the only people in the world who use the name Lárúbáwá for the Arabs. Asked how the Yorùbá came by the name Lárúbáwá, he answered that it could have been some sort of early Yorùbá twist of the name Arabiyah – the name of the Arabic language. But he added that there was however an ancient Yorùbá tradition on the subject also. According to that tradition, when the earliest Arab traders came to Yorùbáland, the Yorùbá were already known as Yorùbá or Yáríbà, and the Arabs called them the Yárúbáwá (meaning ‘Yoruba people’ in Arabic); and from that, the Yorùbá called the Arabs Alárúbáwá or Lárúbáwá (meaning ‘the folks who call us Yárúbáwá’).6

There are, therefore, Yorùbá traditions about the presence of the name Yorùbá in some early (pre-19th century) era of Yorùbá history. And these indicate that, in that early era, the name was a general name for the whole national or language group.

A second question then arises. If all Yorùbá were known as Yorùbá that early, how did it happen that, at some later time, in the period covered by the greatness of the Ọ̀yọ́ Empire in Yorùbá history, (the period roughly from the 17th century to the early 19th century), the name Yorùbá was used as a sort of second name for the Ọ̀yọ́ subgroup only.

In the 1963 interview, the Ọlọ́baagun answered that, from what he knew from the traditions, this probably happened in the following way. At the height of the greatness of the Ọ̀yọ́ Empire (which we know to be from the 17th to the beginning of the 19th century), the overwhelming majority of the Yorùbá traders trading to the Upper Niger countries and most other parts of West Africa were Ọ̀yọ́. In many of those foreign lands, traders from all parts of Yorùbáland, including non- Ọ̀yọ́ parts of Yorùbáland, came to be generally identified as subjects of the Aláàfin. So, the two names Ọ̀yọ́ and Yorùbá came to be used as interchangeable names. From that it developed that, among the Yorùbá people themselves, many subgroups got accustomed to using the name Yorùbá as a second subgroup name for the Ọ̀yọ́.

On the whole, therefore, the available evidence seems to indicate that the Yorùbá did have, and were widely identified by, an early common group name, the name Yorùbá, in much of the West African interior. The available evidence indicates that the name was originally given to them as a group by other peoples – but, there is nothing strange in that since, in the history of the world, many peoples or nations were given their group names by neighbours or by some other peoples with whom they came in contact.

The information most commonly cited as proof that the Yorùbá never had a common group name before the mid-19th century is found in an account of early life in the freed-slave community of Freetown in Sierra Leone. The British, after abolishing the slave trade in the first years of the 19th century, had ordered the British navy to stop and search any ships suspected of transporting slaves from Africa across the seas, and to set free any slaves found on such ships. The British had also established the Freetown Colony in Sierra Leone for settling persons from any part of Africa so set free on the high seas by the navy. Beginning from the 1820s, the Yorùbá were quite many among those who were recaptured on the high seas in this way and who were taken to the Freetown colony. These Yoruba arrivals were generally known in the colony as the Aku. The information concerning the name Yorùbá in the early years of the colony is contained in the statement by Sigismund Koelle (in his book, Poliglotta Africana, published in 1856).7 Koelle recorded that, while the name Yoruba was becoming popular along the West African coast, some Yorùbá freed slaves who were addressed as Yorùbá in the Freetown colony in its early years responded that they were not Yorùbá but Ìjẹ̀bú or Ìyàgbà or Ìjẹ̀ṣà. It is, of course, impossible for us today to say with certainty why any particular Yorùbá freed slave of that time in Freetown would respond in this way. But, in general, it would seem understandable that, since it was the Ọ̀yọ́ that were widely referred to interchangeably as Ọ̀yọ́ or Yorùbá at that time among various Yorùbá subgroups, some non- Ọ̀yọ́ persons addressed as Yoruba might, for clarity, reject being so identified.

The situation had already changed considerably by the time Koelle’s book was published in 1856, and that was due to wider knowledge of the report of Clapperton’s 1825-6 Yorubaland exploration. The name Yorùbá was steadily catching on among European traders and Christian missionaries on the West African coast as the common name for the people who had been variously called Aku, Lukumi or Nago in the Atlantic world for some three centuries. The general impression was that while this people had been variously called Aku or Lukumi or Nago in the Atlantic Slave trade, they had in fact been long known by their neighbours in the West African interior as Yorùbá.

In major Yorùbá towns like Abẹ́òkúta, Lagos and Ìbàdàn where European Christian missionaries had been establishing churches and schools since the 1840s, the schools were soon identifying all Yorùbá -speaking people as simply “Yorùbá”. When the Christian missionary house in Abẹ́òkúta started a Yorùbá-language newspaper in 1859, they still named it Ìwé Ìròhìn fún àwọn Ará Ẹ̀gbá àti Yorùbá (Newspaper for the Ẹ̀gbá and Yorùbá). But more and more of the growing school literature of the time was already using the name “Yorùbá” in a more inclusive manner. The growth of literature in the Yorùbá language in the course of the last decades of the 19th century advanced the process immensely. And by the last decade of the century, there was not much of a question left among literate Yorùbá, as well as among Yorùbá returnees from the Americas and Sierra Leone, about the name Yorùbá as the group name for all the people speaking the one group language and its numerous dialects. The name Yorùbá thus stood forth, while names such as Aku, Lukumi and Nago dropped away. And it does seem almost certain that the reason why this change occurred so quickly and so seamlessly all over Yorùbáland soon afterwards is that the name Yorùbá had some root and resonance in the consciousness of Yorùbá people in general. Of course, until the 1890s, some writers still continued to refer to the Ọ̀yọ́ as “Yorùbá proper”, but that was soon to fall away.

We must, in conclusion, repeat that the question whether any people had a common group name early in their history is not of much importance. Probably most of the peoples of the world had no common group names for long in their earliest history. All over tropical Africa, very many peoples today bear group names that they were given (by European colonial officials or by neighbours) in the course of the 20th century. The important question is whether a group is recognizable as a group, and as different from neighbouring groups – culturally, linguistically, by their own perception, and by their neighbours’ perception. And historians of West African history would agree that the people now known as the Yorùbá have been one of the most prominent nationalities in West Africa for thousands of years. They seem to have been known as Yorùbá among some of their neighbours in the West African interior long before that name became known in the Atlantic world.

Some non-Yoruba Nigerians are claiming that it was their own ethnic nation, such as the Hausa or Fulani, that gave the name Yoruba to the Yoruba nation, but there is absolutely no evidence confirming such an assertion. Some are also concocting derogatory meanings for the name Yoruba, apparently in order to make the Yoruba people ashamed of their nation’s name – and this is very obviously something from their hostile attitudes to, and hostile perceptions of, the Yoruba people today. There is no evidence at all that the Hausa and the Yoruba people were hostile to each other in their early history. In fact all the evidence that we have about early times is that the Yoruba and Hausa were very closely related, and that there was much trading between their two countries. Such closeness bred, among the Hausa, some myths and traditions to the effect that some Hausa communities (such as Gobir) were originally Yoruba settlements. It was not until the Fulani came with the Jihad in the early 19th century that any strain of hostility showed up between Hausaland and Yorubaland, and that strain of hostility was never between the Yoruba and the Hausa but between the Yoruba and the Fulani. Yoruba peoples’ prolific traditions have nothing about hostility between Yoruba and Hausa.

Ultimately, what is important about a nation is not its name but its record of contributions to human civilization. On such a basis, the Yoruba nation has a very great deal to be proud of, and the name Yoruba deserves to ring out proudly on the earth. My message to every Yoruba person: Your nation’s Yoruba name is a great and noble name in the world; bear it proudly everywhere, and, by your conduct, always strive to enhance its greatness and nobility.

ÌYÀ TÍ MO JẸ NÍ ÌWÓ
Láti ọwọ́ Israel Ayanwuyi

Bí a kò bá r'ẹ́ni fẹ̀yìntì bí ọ̀lẹ làárí.
Ìyá tí mo jẹ ní Ìwó kọjá àfi ẹnu sọ. Ìròyìn kò tó àmójúbà; ti àsọrégèé kọ́, kì í ṣe tẹnu lásán; díẹ̀ ni mo le rò nínú àlàyé ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ mọ́nigbàgbé tó sẹ̀ ní ọdún mélòó kan sẹ́yìn.
Ọjọ́ tí ebi bá ń pa ọ̀nà, kí á má rìn lọ́jọ́ náà ni ìwúre tí kóówá máa ń ṣe; ibi ilẹ̀ gbé ń pò ń gbẹ ẹ̀jẹ̀, kí á má rìn dé ibẹ̀ ni kókó ìwúre ọmọ ẹlòmíràn l'ówùrọ̀ bí wọ́n bá ń ṣe ń jí lórí ìbùsùn; bí ẹlòmíràn bá sì rí ìran ìdààmú ṣáájú ọjọ́, wọ́n a fìdí mọ́lẹ́ bí ẹni àárẹ̀ ń ṣe, bẹ́ẹ̀ akáwọ́gbẹ́kùn wọn tó ńwòran kì í ṣe ọ̀lẹ, inú ni wọn ń rò.

Kò sí ẹni tí í gbọ́ ọjọ́ ikú rẹ̀ tí dunnú, kò sí ẹ̀dá tó le gbọ́ àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ ọjọ́ ìyà rẹ̀ tó le wò sùn-ùn kó dá músò, kí Ẹlẹ́dàá má jẹ kí ohun tí ń dùn nínú wa kó di ìbànújẹ́, kí á má di arìndìn tí kò l'ọ́gbọ́n lórí lójijì.

Ǹjẹ́ ẹ jẹ́ mọ̀ pé láti ọjọ́ ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà ni mo ti ma ń pariwo pé ẹ̀sọ̀ pẹ̀lẹ́ láyé gbà; alágẹmọ tí ń yọ́ rìn, ikú ń pá, áńbèlèntè ọ̀pọ̀lọ́ tí ń jan ara rẹ̀ mọ́lẹ̀. Ẹni tó bá gbọ́n ọgbọ́n kọ́gbọ́n, ìyà kí yà ló máa ń jẹ irú wọn.

Ení-ín làáse kátó ṣe èjì.
Ṣáájú ọjọ́ tí mo ń wí yí ni mo ti gba lẹ́tà kan tí mo tí ń retí láti ilé ìwé gíga tí mò ń wá ìtẹ́wọ́gbà sí fún ẹ̀kọ́-lọ-síwájú-síi. Ìrètí pípẹ́ a mọ́ ọn ṣe ọkàn láàárẹ̀, èmi tí ń mú ọkàn kúrò lórí rẹ̀. Mo ti ń gba ká mú pé ó tún di ọdún tí ń bọ̀ kí n tó gbìyànjú ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ yí lẹ́ẹ̀kan síi, àmọ́ lójijì ni mo rí ìwé gbà láti positi-ọ́ọ́físì pé wọ́n ti ní kí n wá bẹ̀rẹ̀ ì kẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ní wàrà-ń-ṣe-sà ní bẹ̀.

Bí iṣẹ́ kò bá pé ni, ẹnìkan kì í pé iṣẹ́. Mo mú oókan, mo fẹ́ fi kún èjì, kí n gba oko aláwò lọ.
À tí àkùkọ ọjọ́ kejì ni mo ti jí. Bí ó ti di àfẹ̀mọ́jú, ní jẹ́jẹ́, ní pẹ̀lẹ́-kùsù, láì fi ohun kan bọ ẹnu, ni mo kùrò nílé—ní jẹ́nẹ́sísì ọjọ́ àbámẹ́ta náà. Ọ̀gangan ọ̀nà ni aláké ń sọ, mo gbéra mò ń wá takisí tí ó le gbé mi lọ ibùgbé àǹtí mi tó wà ní Ilé-márùn-ún nílùú Ìwó. Apá lará èjìká ni ìyekan, mo nílò láti lọ bèrè ìrànwọ́ nípa ti owó fún ìrìn-àjò lọ sí ilé-ìwé náà,tó wà Ìbàdàn.

Mo kọ́kọ́ ṣe ìfòró fún wàkàtí kan lé ìṣẹ́jú mẹ́wàá kí n tó rí takisí tí ò ní èrò, tó le gbé èmi nìkan lọ ibi mò ń rè. Nígbà tí mo rí mọ́tò, inú mí dùn, ìrònú àìjẹun tó ti wà lọ́kàn mi tẹ́lẹ̀ sá kúrò ráúráú.
Ní ìwọ̀nba, ọkàn mi balẹ̀ bí a ṣe ń lọ. A kò dúró, à ń tẹ̀ síwájú.

Bí ènìyàn yó bá jẹ ìyà ní Ìwó, kó wà ní Kàdúná, ó di dandan kó wálé.
Èmi kò mọ!
Ẹgbẹ̀rún kan alápapọ̀ ló wà lọ́wọ́ mi, ṣùgbọ́n ìgbàgbé ṣe mí láti bèrè lọ́wọ́ bàbá òní-takisí yí bí wọ́n bá ní séńgì. Ọkàn mi kò tilẹ̀ sí síbẹ̀ rárá. Ìrònú kí n de ibi mò ń lọ, kí n báwọn sọ ohun mo ní wí, kí owó kó jáde ni gbogbo àfiyèsí mi. N kò tilẹ̀ gbìyànjú láti béèrè, mo ń gbàdúrà kí Bàbá yí ní séńgì ṣùgbọ́n mo tún ni lọ́kàn pé bí wọn ò bá ní, a ó jọ dà á rú fún ara wa ni láì mọ̀ pé èmi gan-an ni yóò fara-kásá.

Bí a ṣe ń lọ ni Bàbá ònímọ́tò yí gbé ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ wọn lé mi lọ́wọ́, wọ́n ni kí n bá wọn tẹ àtẹ̀jísẹ́ kan ránsẹ́ sí ọmọ wọn àkọ́bí lọ́kùnrin.
Ní kété tí mo bá wọn ṣe èyí tán, mo mú ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ náà lọ́wọ́ títí tí mo fi sọ. Èmi ti gbàgbé, Bàbá náà kò rántí béèrè mọ́.

Gbàrà tí mo ni kí wọ́n já mi ni mo yọ owó lápò, ló bá di Ẹgbẹ̀rún kan owó náírà. Mo wo ojú Bàbá, Bàbá náà wo ojú mi, ojú wa ṣe mẹ́rin. A fi bí ìgbà tí èèyàn bá ń wo sinimá. Bàbá ònímọ́tò yarí fún mi lórí séńgì Ẹgbẹ̀rún kan owó náírà tí wọn kò ní, wọ́n ní àwọn ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ kúrò ní ilé ni. Wọ́n ní kín n rìnsó ká lọ wáa fọ́ sí wẹ́wẹ́ ní àyíká wa.

Kí Ọlọ́run májẹ kí á rí ogun adánidúró lóòrọ̀kùtù ni kìkì ọ̀rọ̀ tí Bàbá yí rán mọ́nu.

A ti gbìyànjú díẹ̀, ṣùgbọ́n kò jásí ohun kan. Àyíká kò tilẹ̀ tíì kún nítorí ilẹ̀ ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ mọ́ ni. Ìfòró pọ̀.

Nígbà tó yá, mo tọrọ gááfárà láti ṣe ẹ̀yọ́ láàrín ìṣẹ́jú kan. Mo fún Bàbá l'ówó kí wọ́n dúró dè mí, mo wọ kọ̀rọ̀-kọ́ńdú kan lọ.

Mo ṣe díẹ̀ níbẹ̀ nítorí ìfòró náà tún jí ti ebi tó ń pamí tẹ́lẹ̀. Bí mo ṣe ṣetán, tí mo jáde, mo wá Bàbá ònímọ́tò tì. Eré ni mo pèé, ó di òtítọ́ mọ́ mi lọ́wọ́.

"Èèmọ̀ rè o!" Mo pariwo. Àfi bí ìgbà tí èèyàn bá ń lálàá.
Ìbánújẹ́ mu mí lómi, ara mí tutù wọ̀!

Gbogbo àgbọ́kànlé mi náà ni owó yìí, ìrètí tí mo tún ní ni bí mo bá de ibi mò ńlọ láti gbà síi fún ìrìn-àjò pọndandan tí mo fẹ́ lọ.

Ìdóró gba ìkòkò ni ìdóró gba idẹ.
Orí ìnàrò náà ni mo wà tí mo fi rántí ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ Bàbá yí tí ń bẹ lápò mi.
"Mo rántí. Mo ti rántí!" Lorin tuntun tí mo mú banu. Mo tilẹ̀ gbàgbé pé òpópónà ni mo wà.
Oró àkọ́dá kò le dàbí àdágbẹ̀yìn, mo ṣe bí ọwọ́ mi ti mókè.

Bí a bá ń wá owó lọ, tí a sì rìn pàdé iyì lọ́nà, ó yẹ ká padà lọ ilé dàìrẹ́tì ni.

Kódà, mo dá-wọ̀ọ́-ìdùnnú pé owó de, bí mo bá le rí ẹni ra ẹ̀rọ yí, n kò nílò láti wojú àǹtí mi fún ìrànwọ́ owó kankan mọ́ lórí ìrìn-àjò náà. Bí a bá ní eégún baba ẹni yóò jó, bí a bá ní kò sì ní jó mọ́, kò sí bàbá-ńlá ẹni tí í mú ni síi. N ò gbìyànjú láti pe ẹni tí ó súnmọ́ Bàbá yí rárá. Ní ṣe ni mo lu ẹ̀rọ ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ náà pa.

Ohun tó ṣeé faga, là ńfaga sí; èwo ní, Ìwòyí àná mo ti na àna mi fága-fàga?
Èmi alára gan kò ní ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀, ṣùgbọ́n n ò bèsùbẹ̀gbà, mo fònà títì iwájú mi—N ò wulẹ̀ tẹ̀ síwájú láti dé ilé àwọn àǹtí mi mọ́ lọ́jọ́ yí. N ò ronú pé mo ti dé òpópónà ilé wọn, mo mórí padà, ọpọlọ mi bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí ní ṣiṣẹ́ bí ago, ọ̀nà à ti ta ẹ̀rọ yí ni mo ń sánnà.

Ṣe bí wọ́n ní kí á dàálẹ̀, ká tún sà kì í ṣe fáàrí tí ònígaàrí le se ni. Ọ̀rọ̀ tèmi kò gba bẹ́ẹ̀, mo bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìrìn àjò ibùsọ̀ mẹ́wàá mìíràn. Mò ń wá ẹni tí ó le ra ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ náà.

Kí Èdùmàrè má jẹ́kí á sọnù kí á tó sọnú.
Gbogbo àsìkò yí, ebi tún ti sá kúrò. Mo tẹ̀ ṣíwájú ìrìn mi lọ sí ibi kan tí mò tí ma ń gbọ́ tẹ́lẹ̀ pé wọ́n ti máa ń ra àti tà ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ àlòkù.
Mo ti fẹ́rẹ̀ẹ́ dé ibi tí mò ń lọ tí òjò fi sú, bí-eré-bí-eré, ọwọ́ òjò náà bo lẹ̀. Èmi tilẹ̀ ń ṣe eré àwọn ọmọdé, mo ní "Òjò mọ́ lọ, atẹ́gùn mọ́ ọn fẹ́"

Omi kín-ń-kín làá r'ẹ́lá sí, òjò bẹ̀rẹ̀, mo sá fún òjò kí n mọ́ tún jẹ ìyà míì lọ́wọ́ òjò àti láti dáàbò bo ẹ̀rọ náà.

Òjò náà rọ̀, ó fẹ́rẹ̀ wú òkú ọ̀lẹ.
Mo dúró-dúró, àfi ìgbà tí òjò náà dáwọ́ tán pátápátá. Mo tẹ̀ síwájú, mo pàpà dé ibẹ̀. Olè ní mọ ẹsẹ̀ olé tọ̀ lórí àpáta, èmi ò tilẹ̀ mọ pé ó ní èdè ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ kan tó wà láàrin àwọn ènìyàn tó ń ta ohun kan fún ara wọn níbẹ̀.
N ò tí sọ̀rọ̀ púpọ̀, mo kàn fi ọjà hàn wọ́n lásán ni, a ò tíì bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìdúnàá-dúrà tí wọn fi dá mi mọ̀ pé èmi kì í ṣe ara wọn.

Ọgbọ́n ju ọgbọ́n lọ, ọ̀gá wà lóòótọ́.
Ọ̀kan nínú wọn gba ẹ̀rọ yí, ó ní òun ń bọ̀ wá, òun kàn fẹ́ fi han ẹniti owó ń bẹ lọ́wọ́ rẹ̀. Láàrin ìṣẹ́jú béléńjà, n kò rí ẹni yí mọ. Mo dúró ṣáà, ń kò gbúro ẹnìkan.

Lẹ́yìn wákàtí kan, mo béèrè arákùnrin náà lọ́wọ́ àwọn ènìyàn tó kù tí wọn ń bá iṣẹ́ tiwọn lọ, wọn ní kí n dúró. Bí wọ́n ṣe fi ọgbọ́n àrékérékè yí tàn mí tó fi di agogo márùn-ún ìrọ̀lẹ́ nìyí.

Mo wá pinnu láti ṣe bí ọkùnrin, mo yarí fún wọn. Ṣùgbọ́n kí n tó wí kí n tó fọ̀, ìgbájú ìgbámú ni wọ́n fi dá mi lóhùn, wọ́n ní ṣe àwọn ni àwọn gba ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ yí lọ́wọ́ mi ni, kín n má wá ẹni náà lọ.

N ò kúkú le dá wọn mú, agídí ọkàn-àyà mi pẹ̀lú wọn ló tún kó ìyà jẹ mi púpọ̀. A jọ ń fà á pé ṣe bí ara wọn ni ẹni náà. Àwọn kò tilẹ̀ fi ọ̀rọ̀ dá mi lóhùn mọ́ nígbà tí wọ́n ti rí pé n ò ní gbọ́, ìyà ni àwọn mẹ́ta náà fi dá mi lóhùn, wọn tún pè mí ní olè.

Kódà, ilé mi kọ́ ni mo sùn lọ́jọ́ náà. Iwájú kò sé lọ, ẹ̀yìn kò sé padà sí, ìta ni mo sùn. À ṣé ìlàkàkà mi lórí asán, ọwọ́ àwọn ọ̀daràn míràn ni mo lọ kó sí.

Ọ̀kánjúà, olè, ọ̀lẹ àti àìhùwà-bí-ọlọ́run jẹ́kí n pàdánù ọdún kan fún Ẹ̀kọ́ mi, ó mú mi jẹ ìyà bí ọ̀daràn, ó mú mi sùn ní ìta láìṣe ọdẹ, ó mú mi kọ́gbọ́n lọ́nà tí kò rọrùn àti ọ̀nà ìtìjú. Ẹkún àti ìpayínkeke ní ọ̀gànjọ́ òru ọjọ́ pọ̀, tí mo si fẹ́ẹ̀ le fi ọjọ́ tí abími bú. Gbogbo ẹ̀, àfi ọwọ́ fà mi náà ni. Kò sí àwíjàre kan fún oníwà-kíwà.

Kí Olódùmarè ràn wá lọ́wọ́ ni gbogbo ìgbà, ká má fi ọwọ́ ara wa ṣe ara wa. (Àṣẹ).

Ṣíṣe Ìgbéga Àwọn Ogún Dáradára Yorùbá Ló Jẹ Wá Lógún
AIFMEDIA || YÒRÙBÁDÙNL'ÉDÈ
© Copyright, Israel Ayanwuyi, 2020

Ìtàndòwe - Ẹnití kò le se bí aláàárù l'Óyìngbò, kò le se bí Adégbọrọ̀ l'Ọ́jà ọba

Adégbọrọ̀ fi ìlú Ìbàdàn sílẹ̀, ó kọ rí sí ìlú Èkó láti lọ ṣe iṣẹ́ alábàárù ní agbègbè kan tí wọ́n ń pè ní ÒYÌNGBÒ. Ń gbé ẹrù sórí, ń ṣe alábàárù níbẹ̀. Nígbà tí Adégbọrọ̀ ṣe iṣẹ́ yí fún gbà pípẹ́ láì ṣe ìmẹ́lẹ́, kẹ̀rẹ̀kẹ̀rẹ̀ o ń fi owó pamọ́, bẹ́ẹ̀ ló bá ra ọmọlanke láti máa fi gbé ẹrù dípò rírù sórí.

Eléyìí jẹ́kí ìrọ̀rùn bá iṣẹ́ alábàárù rẹ̀ tó ń ṣe. Nígbà tó wá tún fi ọmọlanke ṣe iṣẹ́ kárakára díẹ̀ si, ó tún wá ra ọmọlanke tó pọ̀ láti fi máa rẹńtì fún àwọn ènìyàn lọ́rísìrísìí fún iṣẹ́ alábàárù láti rọrùn.

Nígbà tí ó tún túnbọ̀ ti ọmọlanke fún ọdún mẹ́jọ gbáko pẹ̀lú gbogbo owó tó ń pá wọlé lórí àwọn ọmọlanke tí ń yá àwọn akẹgbẹ́ rẹ̀, bẹ́ẹ̀ ló bá kó owó jọ tó sì di ẹnití ó ra mọ́tò. Mọ́tò tó rà jẹ́ èyí tí a mọ̀ sí bọ́lẹ̀kájà, ó kọ́ bí wọn ṣe ń wa ọkọ̀ láti mó jú tó ọkọ̀ náà fún ara rẹ̀, bẹ́ẹ̀ ló ń wa ọkọ̀ bọ́lẹ̀kájà náà tó fi pé ọdún mẹ́rin.

Ní Ọlọ́run bá gbọ́ àdúrà Adégbọrọ̀, ló bá ra mọ́tò mẹ́fà ọ̀tọ̀ọ̀tọ̀ tí a mọ̀ sí bọ́lẹ̀kájá tó sì ń gbé fún àwọn ènìyàn láti m'ówó wọlé.

Ó tó àsìkò tí Adégbọrọ̀ yó kọ́ ilé, ó wá korí sí ìlú Ìbàdàn ní agbègbè tí wọn ń pè ní ọjà-ọba, ìbẹ̀ ló lọ kólé sí. Adégbọrọ̀ kọ́ ilé àrà-mọ̀-ǹdà yí tán, àwọn ènìyàn tó mọ ìpilẹ̀ṣẹ̀ rẹ̀ wá ń ríi, wọ́n ń béèrè pé ọ̀nà wo ló gbé gbà tí ó ṣe ń dùn tó ṣe ń dá fún-un, Adégbọrọ̀ wá ń bi wọ́n léèrè pé ṣe wọn lé gbé ẹrù sórí, ṣe wọn lé ṣe alábàárù ní-bi-kí-bi, ṣùgbọ́n wọ́n á dáhùn pé láéláé àwọn kò le se bẹ́ẹ̀.

Ibẹ̀ ni Adégbọrọ̀ ti ń fún wọn lésì pé, "Èèyàn tí kò le se bí Alábàárù l'Óyìngbò, kò mà le se bí Adégbọrọ̀ l'Ọ́jà ọba". Láti ìgbà náà ni ọ̀rọ̀ inú ìtàn yí ti di òwe nílẹ̀ Yorùbá.

Olùfẹ́ ọ̀wọ́n, iṣẹ́ wo ni ìwọ ń ṣe tí o kò tẹpá mọ́? O kò kàwé tàbí tẹpá mọ́ iṣẹ́ kí ṣe tó wù ọ́ láti yàn làáyò, ò ń sọ pé orílẹ̀-èdè ibìkan kò dára. Fí eléyìí kọ́gbọ́n àti ìpinnu ayé tiẹ̀, èèyàn tí kò le se bí aláàárù l'Óyìngbò ni, kò le se bí Adégbọrọ̀ l'Ọ́jà ọba. Tí o bá fi irun dúdú ṣe iṣẹ́, kí o mọ́ bà fi irun funfun gba àárù ni.

Ẹnití kò le ṣe bí aláàárù l'Óyìngbò, kò le se bí Adégbọrọ̀ loja ọba. Don't stay idle because an idle man is a devil's workshop.

We bring you virtues and godly heritages from Yorùbá culture, tradition and lifestyle. #YorùbáDùnlÉdè
Source - https://bit.ly/2TbBvmS
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© Israel Ayanwuyi, 2020

Religious Adventure—A Leaf From Yoruba Culture III
© Israel Ayanwuyi, 2019

In the previous episode, I halsened to betalk how Yorùbá came into existence in written words, embraced Christianity, and thereafter contributed to Yorùbá being popular and acceptable language amongst other Africa languages. Under the control of Àjàyí Crowther, many were accomplished by Christian Missionaries for the growth and development of Yorùbá language.

Ajayi Crowther, C.A. Gollmer, J.B. Wood, J.F. Schön, Venn, Mann, Lepsius Bowen (of Baptist Church), Henry Townsend and many other missionaries who came to Nigeria around that time were those who did sacrosanct work together to create and put a start to Yorùbá orthography. Ajayi Crowther first translated Old Testament between 1850-56 and New Testament in 1844, but since around 1854, they started translating 'The Holy Bible' to Yorùbá language philosophy, till final completion in 1880.

In 1841, Crowther returned to Nigeria where he opened his own missionary work alongside Henry Townsend in today's Ogun state of Nigeria and began translating the Bible into the Yoruba langauge. Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther's effort [who was from Oshogun] when he returned from Freetown, Sierra Leone as a linguist and missionary deserves an encomium.

At the time, there were many literate Nigerians who returned from Sierra Leone who began to write literature and some other useful books for teaching in Yorùbá. One of those Sierra Leone indigene was Thomas King. They produced many books for study in schools and CMS orison book in Yorùbá.

In 1843, Crowther produced his first book in Yorùbá—First Primer—where he exemplified the procedure to writing the language of Yorùbá. J.F. Schön (who worked with Crowther), Venn, Revd Mann, Lepsius, Bowen (of Baptist Church), Henry Townsend amongst others, and which for example, C.A. Gollmer proposed dot marks to be underneath some letters as follows: e o, when Mann proposed line marks to be under.

In 1844, C.A. Gollmer translated "Lord's Precation", Biblical Catalogue and 'The Gospel of St. Matthew' to Yorùbá. Thomas King also translated collection of some missionary books within 1857-62.

In 1848, Ajayi Crowther (made Yorùbá known to be a tonal language and he) released vowels and consonants with tonal marks in Yorùbá language words spelling. It therefore make Yorùbá eath for translator in Newspaper firm, Religious books, Missionary books and Holy Bible. Crowther was the one who made the move of the today's Yorùbá Alphabet and he suggested us to read it in this manner: a bi di e e fi gi gbi hi I je ke li mi ni o o pi ri si si ti u wi yi

Henry Townsend (who was a Bristish), yet brought a printing machine to Abẹ́òkúta, where he made sure every notes brought to be published in Yorùbá are quickly printed. From 1859-67, Townsend started the production of newspapers in Abeokuta for the literate advantage— first of its kind in Nigeria.

Ajayi Crowther preached in Yorùbá language for the first time on January 9, 1844 in Sierra Leone (Ẹsẹ̀ wúrà tó lò lọ́jọ́ náà lóhùn-ún ni Lúùkù 1:35, tí ó kọ báyìí "_ ohung ohworh ti aobih ni inoh reh aomalpe li omoh, Olorung"). He was the chairman, wherefore J.B. Wood was the secretary for the national conference on Yorùbá orthography in 1875.

Do you know? 'Ǹjẹ́ ẹ̀yín mọ̀ pé ọdún 2019 tí a wà yìí ni ó pé igba ọdún (200 years) tí èdè Yorùbá di kíkọ sílé? Òyìnbó òṣìṣẹ́ Ìjọ CMS kan tí orúkọ rẹ̀ ń jẹ́ Bowdich ló jẹ yó tán nílùú Ashanti lọ́dún 1819 tó kọ oókan dé ẹẹ́wàá (1-10) ní èdè tó pè ní èdè AKU, orúko tí wọ́n ń pe èdè Yorùbá nígbà náà. Nítorí náà, èdè Yorùbá kú ayẹyẹ ọjọ́ ìbí igba ọdún tí èdè náà di kíkọ sílẹ̀.

Lẹ́yìn ọdún 1819 tí Bowdich kọ èdè Yorùbá sílẹ̀ yìí ni àwọn Òyìnbó bíi Aya Kilham, Àlùfáà Raban àti Àlùfáà Àjàyí Crowther tó jẹ́ ọmọ abínibí Yorùbá àti àwọn yòókù tẹ́wọ́ gba iṣẹ́ lórí ìdàgbàsókè èdè Yorùbá títí di òní.'

Preserving our godly heritage as Yorùbá is my major concern. I remain your Israel Ayanwuyi, and this is copyrighted in 2019

Religious Adventure: A Leaf From Yoruba Culture II
© Israel Ayanwuyi, 2019

In the world where diverse religion had taken every corners and a particular thought of serving God crossed every minds, yet Yorùbá has been distinct from the ages in their traditional culture and practices. For the purpose of this piece, I shall succinctly sieve out how religious practices or lifestyle has been encroached illicitly with what Yoruba founding fathers meant by traditions, customs or culture.

In the next episode of this series, I will further talk about how Yorùbá came into existence in written words and start to promote Christianity and thereafter contributed to Yorùbá being popular and acceptable language amongst other Africa languages. If you've not read the first episode from this series, then you might befoul the idea behind this move.

In truth, Yoruba refers tradition to be culture and acts which are valuable in exact way our forefathers use to do from the genesis.
How do our forefathers perform traditions? In the ancient time, no one whatsoever—old or young—is ordained to alter the trend of tradition/custom in ure.

Those who embrace tradition in toto are the traditional worshippers, whereas the concept of Yorùbá tradition/custom is not restricted to them. It is rather a commodity expected to be promoted as an heritage for individual who's born in Yorùbá land. It is not until a man set off to worship a god or an idol before a tradition/custom can be observed.

For example, Yorùbá has custom pertaining pregnancy, birth control, childbirth, and naming in which 8 days was adopted aftermath. Yorùbá has tradition of seeking, introduction, engagement and many more pertaining marriage. Also, Yorùbá has pattern they follow in dressing, haircut and body beautification.

To talk of festival, for example, Òsogbo has been celebrating Ọ̀sun Òsogbo fall when it is rainy season and the fall is heavy since inception but it has been left to Ọ̀sun worshipper and it has been modified for Ọ̀sun follower only after Òsogbo people negligence.

Whatsoever a group of people from origin concluded to be doing continually in a specific pattern is tradition/custom.
Therefore, it is not only an idol festival we can term to be tradition.

Nigerian celebrates independence day yearly as a tradition/custom. It is a bequest initiated by our fathers for a reason.

Some towns celebrate new yam festival as their own tradition.
Easter is a tradition for believers as an instruction laid since ages; Eld-kabir is a pattern in Islam as a traditional festival because it started from the start of their religion.

For this reason, it is our duty to promote and support Yorùbá goodly heritages because it ours.

Ọmọ tó gbàgbé ilé sọ àpò ìyá kọ́ ni Yorùbá ma ń wí— A child who forget his culture and traditions hang a pouch of shame to his source.

#YorùbáDùnlÉdè #YorubaHeritages #AIFMEDIA

Preserving our godly heritage as Yorùbá is my major concern. Next time, if I am graced, I will be coming your way with more explanation of how things evolved to be stronger for Yorùbá in their religion adventures.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE FIRST FEMALE ALÁÀFIN
© Israel Ayanwuyi, 2019
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It is recorded that in ancient time, a female was once crowned Aláàfin of the Old Ọ̀yọ́ Empire. We must not consider this a new phenomenon —there is nothing new under the heaven—the first female as Aláàfin of Oyo is popularly known as Aláàfin Ọ̀rọ̀pọ̀tọ̀.

The first female Aláàfin of Ọ̀yọ́ was Aláàfin Àjìún Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn who became the Aláàfin in 1554 and reigned till 1562 when there was no male person qualified to ascend the throne.

'Tí kò bá ní ìdí obìnrin kìí jẹ́ kúmólú... a woman does not become.... without reason'

Her father's name was Aláàfin Onígbódi who lived in Ìbàrùbá land, he died, his son, Aláàfin Ofinran became the king. During his reign, Aláàfin Òfínràn, his siblings, Prince Eguguojú, Princess Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn, Prince Ajíbóyèdé; and their people decided to leave Ìbàrùbá for Ọ̀yọ́. During their journey, one of the queens of Aláàfin Òfínràn who was pregnant at the time gave birth to a son called Tella Àbíìpa. It was also on the way that Aláàfin Ofinran died, and Aláàfin Eguguojú was enthroned. Aláàfin Eguguojú was the one who led the people to Ọ̀yọ́ Ìgbòho town, where they settled after the long journey, and that was where he died, too.

The next male to be enthroned was Prince Ajíbóyèdé but he was a little boy and the next male available was Prince Tella Àbíìpa who was a crawling baby at the time. There was no other male available in the royal lineage to be enthroned and this was why the Ọ̀yọ́mẹ̀sì [the 7-man hereditary council of Ọ̀yọ́ kingmakers which functioned as the legislative arm of the empire] decided to pick a King amongst themselves.

Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn refused and demanded to be the next king. The Ọ̀yọ́mẹ̀sì stood against her interest and stating that it was an abomination for such to happen because a woman had never been king in history: only males were allowed to ascend the throne.
Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn vowed to prove to them that she was a male and was consequently entitled to the throne. She told them to meet her in Ìpèbí—a place where incoming king is empowered—in 7 days time to see and she began to wear Agbádá, Ṣòkòtò and Bùbá —Formal Yorùbá garment, trousers worn by men.

On the 7th day, the Ọ̀yọ́mẹ̀sì were amazed at what they saw in Ìpèbí, Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn unclad herself and they saw that she had no breast, and in place of a vulva, she had male genital!
Immediately the Ọ̀yọ́mẹ̀sì saw this, they prostrated as they eulogized her as the king. She became Aláàfin of Ọ̀yọ́ and her reign was calm, and peaceful. She won diverse wars for the people of Ọ̀yọ́.

Aláàfin Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn was a valiant warrior and an expert in the usage of war machineries: she was the king who conquered the disturbing battle of the Nupe tribe in 1555. After the demise of Aláàfin Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn, Aláàfin Tella Àbíipa emerged as the next ruler of Ọ̀yọ́.
Numerous lessons can be drawn from the history of the first female Aláàfin. One of these lessons is that there is hardly any position of honour that cannot be occupied by a woman though not in a transgender approach.

"A ò rí irú eléyìí rí, a fi ń dẹ́rù ba ọlọ́rọ̀ ni. Declaring that a phenomenon has never occurred before is a mere ploy to scarce its victim. "

Besides, it is evident from this story that surgery was not invented by the whites. It has been since the beginning. Many people believe it was Aláàfin Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn who first transitioned.

It is important for people to stop desperately seeking to have male children. Regardless of what gender a child is, that child is important—a gift from God and can achieve great things in life
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REFERENCES
1. OSÙỌLALÉ, Kehinde (2018, April 23). Live Discussion on Aláàfin Ọ̀rọ̀ǹpọ̀tọ̀niyùn, jagunjagun orí ẹṣin. Research Work for AIF MEDIA.
2. JÁDESỌ́LÁ, Àyánwuyì (2016). An Oral Interview. Interviewer: Israel Ayanwuyi. Research work for the AIF MEDIA.

ÀRÒGÚN: ÀWÍJÀRE

Láti ọwọ́ Israel Ayanwuyi

Bí a bá ń sọ̀rọ̀ nípa ọjọ́ iwájú orílẹ̀-èdè kan tàbí ìrètí ọjọ́ ọ̀la tó dára àgbáyé, ọ̀rọ̀ àwọn ọmọdé ló yẹ ká kọ́kọ́ mú gbọ́, nítorí ení là á ṣe kátó ṣ'èjì ló dífá fún àpọ́n tí ń fi ojoojúmọ́ ṣe ìdárò ọmọ—Ẹni tó bá máa bímọ, ọ̀rọ̀ ìyàwó ló yẹ kó kọ́kọ́ mú gbọ́.

Láti inú ìdílé ni ọmọ tí ń wá, ìdí nìyí tí gbogbo ẹni tó ń gbèrò à ti ní ìdílé pẹ̀lú àwọn tó ní ìdílé lọ́wọ́ báyìí fi gbọ́dọ̀ sa gbogbo ipá wọn gẹ́gẹ́ bí Ọlọ́run yó ṣe fi ore-ọ̀fẹ́ fún wọn láti jẹ́ òbí tó kún ójú òṣùwọ̀n.

Ọ̀rọ̀ ìyàwó tàbí ọkọ níní kì í kàn ṣe ti ọjọ́ orí, àgbà kò kọgbọ́n; kì í ṣe mo ti n'íṣẹ́ lápá tàbí owó lọ́wọ́, owó lásán kọ́ni wọ́n fí t'ọ́mọ yanjú; kì í ṣe mo ti parí ilé-ìwé, iṣẹ́ ni ìdílé, kì í ṣe yàrá ì fi sàtífíkétì ilé-ìwé yangàn.

Ǹ jẹ́ mo ti ṣetán àti ní sùúrù; nífẹ̀ẹ́ àìlódiwọ̀n sí ẹnìkejì mi; darí àwọn ènìyàn mi nínú ìfẹ́ lójú ìpènijà; lọ́ ìdílé mi sórí àpáta kí ìjì, ìkún-omi tàbí ìpọ́njú ńlá ayé má ba à gbé lọ? Ìbéèrè pàtàkì wọ̀nyí àti àwọn míràn ló yẹ kó o bi ara rẹ kí o tó gbé ìyàwó tàbí lọ́kọ. Àìní òye bí ìdílé ṣe ń ṣiṣẹ́ ló máa ń padà fàbọ̀ s'órí àwọn ọmọ nítorí kòní sí ìtọ́ni tó gbọn-n-gbọ́n fún wọn.

Bí a bá wo ọ̀rọ̀ yí dáadáa, ọ̀rọ̀ tó fa kíki ni. Ṣé ti ìṣekú pa ara ẹni tó ń jà rà-ìn-rà-ìn kárí ọ̀pọ̀ àwùjọ ni káwí ni tàbí ti ìwà ìbàjẹ́ tí ń fi ìgbà-dé-gbà peléke l'órílẹ̀-èdè àgbáyé? Kàkà kí ewé àgbọn dẹ̀, ní se ló ń gbogbò sí i. Ìbànújẹ́ wá dórí àgbà kodò, bẹ́ẹ̀ wọ́n ni àgbà kì í wà lọ́jà k'órí ọmọ tuntun wọ́. Orí ọmọ tuntun ti ìran ìkẹyìn ń wọ́ lọ báì—Ọ̀pẹ̀rẹ̀kẹ́tẹ̀ rẹ̀ ń dàgbà, inú adámọ̀ rẹ̀ sì ń bàjẹ́.

Lọ́jọ́ ọjọ́sí ọmọdé kì í gbójú sókè wo àgbà, bí (àwọn) àgbà bá ń sọ̀rọ̀, àwọn ọmọdé ma ń pa lọ́lọ́ ni ṣùgbọ́n ní ìṣẹ̀yín-ín ohun gbogbo ló ti yí padà. Ìdí tí mo ṣe mú àrògún àsínilétí yìí wá gan ni kí gbogbo wa ó ṣe akitiyan à ti wá ìlọsíwájú òhun ìdàgbàsókè tó mọ́yán lórí fún àwọn ògo wẹ́wẹ́ wa.

Ẹ̀kọ́ ilé gbogbo àti ti bí a ṣe ń gbélé ayé ní gúnmọ́, ìlanilọ́yẹ̀ tó yanjú pẹ̀lú ọ̀rọ̀ ìtùnú pé ọjọ́ ọ̀la yóò dára ṣe kókó fún wọn nítorí ọjọ́ ọ̀la kàn kò sí tí a bá tí kó ilà àwọn ọmọ wọ̀nyí kúrò lékọ. Ẹ jẹ́ k'ápawọ́pọ́ pèsè ìrètí-ayọ̀, ìdílé tó ń fi ni lọ́kàn balẹ̀ àti fi ìfẹ́ tó jinlẹ̀ hàn kí ìbànújẹ́ má baà á ráyè débi pé èrò à ti hùwà burúkú àbí pokùnso yò jinlẹ̀ lọ́kàn onírúurú wọn.

Ohun tí ẹyẹ bájẹ ni yóò gbé fò: Ọ̀rọ̀ ìyè àti ìrètí ṣe kókó. Ẹ má jẹ́ kí á fi ọ̀rọ̀ ẹnu wa ba ẹnikẹ́ni nínú jẹ́ nítorí ìgbà kan ò lọ bí ò réré, ilé ayé kò tẹ́ lọ bí ọ̀pá ìbọn; ọba mẹ́wàá, ìgbà mẹ́wàá lọ̀rọ̀ ilé ayé.

Àgbà kò sí nílùú ìlú bàjẹ́, baálé ilé kú ilé dahoro. A kì í torí àwíjàre kí'tọ́ ó tán lẹ́nu; bẹ́ẹ̀ni, ọ̀rọ̀ ṣókí ti tó fún àgbà tó l'ọ́gbọ́n lórí. Ẹtún ìlú tò ọjọ́ ń lọ. ̀

Àgbà wa kò ní dàgbà ìyà, ẹnu wa yó sì tó ọ̀rọ̀ láwùjọ láṣẹ Adédàá. (Àṣẹ).

Ṣíṣe Ìgbéga Ogún Dáradára Yorùbá Ló Jẹ Wá Lógún

AIF MEDIA | YÒRÙBÁ DÙN LÉDÈ

26052019

© Israel Ayanwuyi, 2019

Ìtàndòwe—Ìdóró gba ìkòkò ni Ìdóró gba idẹ
Láti owó Israel Ayanwuyi, 2019

Ọ̀rẹ́ méjì kan wà nígbà àtijọ́, ọ̀rẹ́ ìmùlẹ̀ ni àwọn méjèèjì nítorí pé wọ́n fẹ́ràn ara wọn púpọ̀. Nígbà kan ẹ̀wẹ̀, ìkan nínú wọn fẹ́ gbin obì, ó sì lọ tọrọ kòkò lọ́wọ́ ọ̀rẹ́ rẹ̀ láti fi dáàbò bò igi obì náà kó lè ba dàgbà àti kí ẹranko má le ba igi náà jẹ́.

Ọ̀rẹ́ kejì náà bí ọmọ obìnrin tí ó rẹwà ṣùgbọ́n nígbà tí wọ́n yẹ àkọsẹ̀jayé ọmọ náà, wọ́n ri pé ẹlẹ́mìí kúkúrú ni àyàfi bí wọ́n bá rí idẹ tí wọn yóò fi ṣe gbékúdè fún ọmọ obìnrin náà. Ọ̀rẹ́ yí lọ yá idẹ lọ́wọ́ ọ̀rẹ́ rẹ̀ tí ó yá ní ajádí ìkòkò láti fi gbin igi obì wọ́n sì fi idẹ yí sí ọmọ náà lọ́rùn kí ó má baà kú ṣùgbọ́n nígbà tí igi obì yí dàgbà tí ń so ogún, ọgọ́rùn-ún àti bẹ́ẹ̀ bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ, ìlara gbé ọ̀rẹ́ tí ó yá ọ̀rẹ́ rẹ̀ ní ìkòkò yí wọ̀.

Ọ̀rẹ́ yí ní òun yóò gba ìkòkò òhun padà. Àti ọba, ìjòyè pẹ̀lú àwọn ènìyàn ìlú ni wón dá si i, tí wọ́n sì ń bẹ̀ẹ́ nítorí kí wón tó le yọ ìkókó yí, wọ́n ní láti gé igi obì yí kúrò. Ọkùnrin yí fárí gá, wọ́n sì gé igi obì náà.

Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ẹ ṣe mọ̀ wípé àkísà tí yóò lọ sí ìsàlẹ̀ àkìtàn, bí ènìyàn bá fi igba abẹ́rẹ́ rán-an, kò ní gbọ́

Ìbànújẹ́ bá ọ̀rẹ́ tó gbin igi obì, ó sì dá ìkòkò náà padà ó sì gbà á. Ọmọbìnrin tí wọ́n fi idẹ sí lọ́run tí dàgbà láti wọ ilé ọkọ. Nígbà tí ìgbéyàwó ku ọ̀la, ọ̀rẹ́ tí wọ́n gé igi obì rẹ̀ wípé òun fẹ́ gba idẹ òun náà. Wọ́n ní láti bẹ́ orí ọmọbìnrin náà kí wón tó le mú idẹ yí jáde. Wọ́n sì bé orí obìnrin náà láti dá idẹ padà fún ọ̀rẹ́ tí wọ́n gé igi obì rẹ̀.

Ìtùmò ÌDÓRÓ GBA ÌKÒKÒ NI ÌDÓRÓ GBA IDẸ ORÓ TÓ DÁ MI, NI MO DÁ Ọ, OGBÈ ṢE ỌWỌ́NRÍN, Ọ̀WỌ́NRÍN ṢE OGBÈ; ORÓ À KÓ DÁ KÒ DÀ BÍ À DÁ GBẸ̀YÌN.

Òwe yí kó wa kí á má gbẹ̀san ohunkóhun tàbí ṣe ìlara torí àkódá oró kò dà bí à dá gbẹ̀yìn.

Ìdóró gba ìkòkò ni Ìdóró gba idẹ, oró tó dá mi, ni mo dá ọ, ogbè ṣe ọwọ́nrín, ọ̀wọ́nrín ṣe ogbè; oró à kó dá kò dà bí à dá gbẹ̀yìn.

Ẹ ṣeun nítorí àtìlẹ́yìn gbogbo ìgbà fún èdè ilẹ̀ Yorùbá àti ìgbé lárugẹ tó gbọ̀n-n-gbọ́n.

#YorùbáDùnlÉdè

Religious Adventure—A Leaf From Yoruba Culture I
By Israel Ayanwuyi, 2019.

When there are many beliefs struggling to make stand through every nook and open place of the world, the Yorùbás of the end are even waving off without remark. The question is: why are we missing off our heritages and actual sense our forefathers created? This is a prominent issue I think you should know about religion and Yorùbá of the ancient world.

In the ancient time, Òrúnmìlà is known with oracle and he basically consult oracle for people [perhaps like today's Prophet]. Mostly in Yorùbá land, great warriors don't die, they might disappear or turn to another thing. Something of this happened to Òrúnmìlà but when he left, he started "Ikin" and that was what they do to ask for anything like instruction or guide about life and its issues. After this, people later turned to its worship on a regular basis because Òrúnmìlà make a good sense to them and he is providing every necessary help for their living struggles.

Of this category is Sàngó, Ògún, Ifá, Ọ̀ṣun and few many others. All of them had been alive at a time before people turned them to deity after their demise. No human was worshipping any of these gods when they were living.

Only that people really did pay homage to them because of their extraordinary act, special prowess each of them possessed. Those who worship those gods are their servants and a diehard followers to them.

As you might know, no one worshipped Jesus Christ when he was alive but those who follow his pattern and lifestyle after his death and resurrection started from an ancient town—Antioch—and were the ones first to be called "Little Christ"—Christians. Anyone who believe in Jesus and confessed him is bounded into a fellowship with him. Anyone who doesn't partner with him by following wouldn't know the mystery of The Kingdom and the supernatural power or forces alongside. The secret of any religion or a god is vivid to any of its committed worshipper. Am I very right about this?

Like I aforementioned, there is no one worshipping Òrúnmìlà during his lifetime. It was those who started imitating his lifestyle after his death who started the religion. They are the worshippers of Ifá.
Take this for example, it was when Prophet Muhammad [SAWS] died they initiated Muslim religion. They continued following the trend this special human being started.

There is absolutely nothing like religion in the ancient time. From my research on Yorùbá history, its human nature and experience that instituted whatsoever religion we have today.

Those who performed awestruck remark turned to Òrìṣà—gods.

For example, if it was in the ancient time, Fela Kuti, Samuel Ladoke Akintola, Obafemi Awolowo and others must have turned to gods after their death because of their own endowed power and deeds. If we call an hero, we must tremble with sword and a strike.

All those turned gods had been alive over a time. They had a wife and bore child(ren). In actual fact, history presented Ọbàtálá, Ọbàtáàsà, Ọbatakuntakun lójú ogún to even have married Yemọja, Sàngó was said to married Ọya, Ògún tó Ọ̀ṣun Sẹ̀ǹgẹ̀sẹ́; and others as well with a family.

Human started religion. Religion is a way of life.

Preserving our godly heritage as Yorùbá is my major concern. Next time, if I am graced, I will be coming your way with more explanation of how things evolved to be stronger for Yorùbá in their religion adventures but before then, if you have any addition or concern to pass, do so in the comment box below.

I remain your Israel Ayanwuyi, and this is copyrighted in 2019.

ÌTÀN: ÌBÀNÚJẸ́ ỌJỌ́ KAN

Láti ọwọ́ Israel Ayanwuyi

Lọ́gán tí mo rí ìmọ́lẹ́ ọjọ́ ajé, mo gbéra nílẹ̀, mo kí Olódùmarè kú òwúrọ̀ nítorí pé Òun náà ni Ọba àjìkí, Òun tún ni Ọba àjígẹ̀. Kò pẹ̀ẹ́ kò jìnnà ni mo gbọ́ tí Bàbá lókè ń dá mi lóhùn pé, "A ò jíire bí?"

Nígbà tí Òrìṣà-Òkè ti dáhùn, mo tẹ̀síwájú láti kí ará ilé mi lápapọ̀. A dúpẹ́ tí Èlédùmarè jí wa lọ́kọ̀ọ̀kan, tí a ò ti ojú orun bọ́ sí ojú ikú, àlákálàá náà kò sẹ̀rù bà wá lójú ìran.

Èmi wọ balùwẹ̀ léṣẹ̀ kan náà, mo múra, mo gbé gbogbo ẹrù mi láti máa lọ ìdí-kọ̀. Gbogbo ará ilé bá ń fi igbe ìpàrọwà ta fún mi láti mọ ọmọ ẹni tí mò-ń-ṣe. Wọn kò fẹ́ kí nlọ, kódà wọ́n banújẹ́ láti wí fún mi pé ó dìgbà ó ṣe. Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ẹ ṣe mọ: Bí ará ilé ẹni kò bá ṣ'ènìyàn rárá, a ò le fi wé aláròó lásán.

Mo wà nílé fún ọjọ́ mẹ́fà tó parí oṣù tó gbẹ̀yìn ọdún àti ọjọ́ mẹ́jì àkọ́kọ́ tó bẹ̀rẹ̀ ọdún titun tó tẹ̀lé. Àjọyọ̀ ìparí àti ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ ọdún ní ṣókí ni mo wá bá wọn ṣe nígbà tí wọ́n kúkú fún mi ní họlidé ọjọ́ mélòó kan ni ibi iṣẹ́.

Ó pọndandan fún mi láti padà sí ẹnu iṣẹ́ ní òwúrọ̀ ọjọ́ kẹẹ̀ta (èyí ni ọjọ́ kẹẹ̀ta oṣù kínni ọdún tí a tún mọ̀ sí oṣù Sẹẹrẹ) gẹ́gẹ́ bí òfin àti ìlànà ilé-iṣẹ́ tí mò ń bá ṣiṣẹ́, n ò le kọ̀ láti mọ́ lọ à fi bí mo bá ti rí iṣẹ́ sí ibòmíràn.

Mo gùnlẹ̀ sí ìdí-kọ̀ àwọn ọlọ́kọ̀ èrò lẹ́yìn ìṣẹ́jú mẹ́wàá sáńgílíńtí, Elédùmarè ṣàánú mi, àwọn èrò kún sínú bọ́ọ̀sì náà lẹ́yìn wákàtí kan. (Èmi gbà pé wákàtí kan yí kò tí ì pọ̀ jù nítorí àgbègbè ibi tí mo ti wá: à ti rí èrò ìlú tí mò ń lọ kò rọrùn).

Ni a bá gbéra, a mórí lé ìlú Kaduna. Nígbà tí n ó fi dé ìlú ńlá, ilẹ̀ ọjọ́ yí ti sú pátápátá ní torí àìjára mọ́rín dírẹ́bà awakọ̀ yìí. Agogo mẹsan-àbọ̀-dín-ní-ìṣẹ́jú-mẹ́ta ni wọ́n já mi ní bọ́sí-sitọpù tó gbẹ́yìn.

Mo dá òní-kabúkabú dúró ní ọwọ́ iwájú. Ó gbé mi tòhun ti ẹrù, ó já mi níwájú ilé tí mò ń gbé gan-an.

Bí mo ṣe yanjú òní-kabúkabú tán ni mo ti bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí níí gbá gétì ilé tí mò ń gbé ṣùgbọ́n n ò gbọ́ ìjẹ́ ẹnìkan.

N ò tilẹ̀ ní iná kankan lórí ẹ̀rọ-ìbánísọ̀rọ̀ mi kín n tó gbéra ní òwúrọ̀ ọjọ́ yí gan-an, n ò le pe ẹnikẹ́ni láti inú ilé fún ìrànwọ́ pẹ̀lú ṣíṣí gétì. A rí wo àwọn tó tún tan ẹ̀rọ-amúnáwá nínú ọgbà gan-an kò le jẹ́kí ọkùnrin asọ́gbà gbọ́ ohùn tó wù kó jáde láti ọ̀dọ̀ tèmi ní ìta.

Iná ò gbọ́dọ̀ kú, omi ò gbọ́dọ̀ jò dànù, ìrònú di méjì fún abomi s'ẹ́nu fẹ́ná mi.

N ò kọ́kọ́ gbàgbọ́ tàbí rò ó pé mo le sùn ní ìta. Pé mo tiẹ̀ gúnlẹ̀ láyọ̀, tí n ó sì le wọ iṣẹ́ padà ní òórọ̀ ọjọ́ kejì, ògo ni fún Adẹ́dàá.

Gbogbo ìrònú mi wá tún ń lọ pé, ó ṣeéṣe kí wọn pa ẹ̀rọ-amúnáwá jẹnẹrétọ̀ náà láì pẹ́ ṣùgbọ́n wọn kò ṣe bẹ́ẹ̀ láàrin wákàtí-kan-lé ìṣẹ́jú díẹ̀ tí mo ti ń dúró. Mo wá ronú jinlẹ̀, mo wòye pé àtànmọ́jú gbáko ni wọ́n fẹ́ lo ẹ̀rọ-amúnáwá náà.

Adágún odò tàbí àbàtà ni alákàn ń wẹ̀

Kò sí ṣíṣe kò sí àìṣe, mo tẹ́ aṣọ ìró kan nínú ẹrù mi sílẹ̀, mo sùn ní ẹ̀gbẹ́ kan gétì. Èyí jẹ́ ìgbà àkókò tí n ó sùn ní ìta gbangba. Bótilẹ̀jẹ́pé inú ìfòyà ńlá àti àfonífojì ni mo wà, gẹ́gẹ́ bí obìnrin, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ewu ló tún wà nínú ìgbéṣẹ̀ mi yìí. N ò sì sùn wọra títí di àfẹ̀mọ́jú ọjọ́ kejì.

Ara ríro àti orí fífọ́ látàrí ìrìnàjò tí mo rìn gan kò tún jẹ́ kí n gbádùn.

Ọjọ́ yìí gan ni mo mọyì àwọn tí ogun sí ní ipò padà, àwọn ọmọ aláìní ìyá àti bàbá, àwọn aláìní ilé lórí, àwọn tí ojú ń pọ̀n àti àwọn tí ẹbí tàbí ará ti kọ̀tì. Mo banújẹ́ púpọ̀, orí ló yọ mi tí n ò lùgbàdì ewu òru.

Ìròyìn kò tó àmójúbà, ṣùgbọ́n bí ẹ bá rí ẹni ojú ń pọ́n, ẹ rànwọ́nlọ́wọ́, ẹ nawọ́ àlàáfíà àti ìtọ́jú tó wà ní ìkáwọ́ yín sí wọn.

Èdùmàrè kòní sọ ẹnìkẹ́ni nínú wa tàbí nínú àwọn ènìyàn wa di aláìní. Ọlọ́run Olódùmarè yóò sì ṣàánú àwọn aláìní nínú ọrọ̀ Rẹ̀ kíkún àti ọlá ńlá. Àṣẹ.

Ṣíṣe Ìgbéga Ogún Dáradára Yorùbá Ló Jẹ Wá Lógún

AIF MEDIA | YÒRÙBÁ DÙN LÉDÈ

01022019

EPOPEE —THE DOOM OF BASHỌ̀RUN GÁHÀ.
By Israel Ayanwuyi, 2018.
Word count: 716

In the 17th and 18th centuries of the Old Ọ̀yọ́ Empire, there was a valiant man and prime minister who served as the military commander during the reign of four successionally Most Superior Majesty—Aláàfin in Ọ̀yọ́-Ilé. In the ancient time, Ọ̀yọ́-Ilé [which is not the location of this modern-day Ọ̀yọ́] is one of the most popular and powerful kingdoms in the Yorùbá nation.

Bashọ̀run Gáhà was the leader of the Ọ̀yọ́ Mèsì [the 7 hereditary Ọ̀yọ́ council of kingmakers or the legislative arm of the empire], as appointed Aláàfin Lábísí who took over the throne from the previous late Aláàfin Òní sílé in 1750, became very strong during his period. He was said to be so powerful that he could turn to any wild animal at will. He was fearless and substantive to the military victory during his lifetime as the military commander of the Old Ọ̀yọ́ kingdom. He lived entirely from 1750–1774 and was believed to have grown up during the reign of the 9 Aláàfins.

These 9 Aláàfins were recorded to be terrible kings with various deeds and this could have affected Bashọ̀run Gáhà's view of life before he became prime minister.

Bashọ̀run Gáhà had the final say on the appointment of new Aláàfin through unwritten constitution and had control on the kingmakers as he was so great and authoritative that the Bashọ̀run's strength rivaled that of the Aláàfin himself in his palms.

Being full of extraordinary fetish power, Gáhà was responsible for the death of three Aláàfins [removing and installing at will]. In little while after his appointment, he murdered two of Aláàfin Lábísí's best friend and Aláàfin Lábísí therefore committed suicide [he ruled for 17 days] because of his broken heart. Aláàfin Awọ́nbíojú succeeded him in the 1750 but also stopped after 130 days of his reign and was succeeded by Aláàfin Agbólúajé [reigned c. 1750-1772]. Aláàfin Agbólúajé also lost his life after a short time on the throne, and we have the 4th Aláàfin who ruled during the tenure of Bashọ̀run Gáhà to be Aláàfin Májẹ́ógbé, between 1772-1773. Aláàfin Májẹ́ógbé lost his life while finding ways to kill Bashọ̀run Gáhà. He however succeeded only in poisoning Bashọ̀run, leading to his paralysis, and not death.

Bashọ̀run Gáhà was said to be subdued by the 5th Aláàfin who ruled during the Bashọ̀run's tenure, who was Aláàfin Abíọ́dún [reigned c. 1770-1789]. Aláàfin Abíọ́dún started his hidden plots to kill Bashọ̀run Gáhà immediately he was enthroned. He had an only begotten daughter whose name was Àgbọ̀nrín, and whom he planned to give Bashọ̀run Gáhà. In 1774, Bashọ̀run was to make a sacrifice for vastation of strong power and his herbalist requested a deer—Àgbọ̀nrín—to be one of the major ingredients needed.

Bashọ̀run Gáhà ordered all the hunters in the whole kingdom to urgently get him a deer. In search of this, Bashọ̀run Gáhà came across Aláàfin Abíọ́dún's daughter, and since her name was Àgbọ̀nrín, the same name for a deer in Yorùbá, Gáhà implemented the saying that "ohun tà ń wá lọ, ọ̀nà là ń kò ó" and ordered that Àgbọ̀nrín, the princess, be used for the sacrifice.

Ọjọ́ kan là ḿbàjẹ́, ọjọ́ gbogbo lara ńti ni (Only one day brings a disgrace to a person but the shame is felt everyday—The thoughtless act of a moment mars one's reputation for a long time).

This outrageous deed invoked the wrath of Aláàfin Abíọ́dún who met secretly with the Oníkòyí and the then Yorùbá Generalissimo—Àrẹ-Ọ̀nà-Kakaǹfò Ọyábí from Àjàṣeland—to conspire against the Bashọ̀run.

By the planned conspiracy, Bashọ̀run Gáhà was besieged by imperial Yorùbá army, led by generalissimo, and thousands of furious and armed people from Ọ̀yọ́ Empire quenched his residence, killed his men and dragged him to be butchered publicly at the Akẹ̀sán Market. Bashọ̀run Gáhà was later burnt in fire to prevent his reincarnation, as many believed this wicked man might reincarnate.

Bashọ̀run Gáhà's reign and death gave birth to the popular saying: Bí o láyà o ò ṣèkà, ṣùgbọ́n bí o bá rántí ikú Gáhà, kí o gbé ilé ayé ṣe rere (If you are brave, adhere to evil, but if you remember the death of Gáhà, live a worthwhile life).

References
1. Jádeṣọ́lá Àyánwuyi (2016), An Oral Interview. Sparkman/Interviewer: Israel Ayanwuyi, Research work for the AIF MEDIA.
2. Statistics as retrieved from Gáhà, Wikipedia, 2011[Last edited on 13 August 2018, at 17:25].
#AIFMEDIA #YorubaHeritages #YorùbáDùnlÉdè #doYouKnow #YorùbáAncientStory

© Israel Ayanwuyi, 2018
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